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下面为大家整理一篇优秀的assignment代写范文- The decline of American soft power，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了美国的软权力衰落。近几年，反美主义的势头有所增长，而美国的软权力，即通过美国政策的合理性以及作为其基础的美国价值观用来吸引其他国家的能力，正在走下坡路。很多人认为，美国政府的政策从负面影响了他们对美国的看法。另外有调查表示，大多数欧洲人认为美国政府妨碍了为消除全球贫困、保护环境和维护和平等方面作出的努力。这种态度削弱了美国的软权力，削弱了美国不诉诸高压政策或金钱收买而达到其目的的能力。

Anti-Americanism has gained momentum in recent years, and America's soft power, the ability to appeal to other countries through the soundness of its policies and the American values on which it is based, is waning. According to a Gallup international poll, majorities in 29 countries say U.S. government policies have negatively affected their view of the United States. A European poll also found that most Europeans think the U.S. government is hampering efforts to end global poverty, protect the environment and maintain peace. This attitude weakens American soft power and its ability to achieve its goals without resorting to coercion or money buying.

Soft-power sceptics claim that popular sentiment is so fickle that it cannot guide foreign policy. They argue that America is strong enough to do whatever it wants, and that it does not matter whether the world agrees or not. America should accept the envy and hatred of other countries. Rumsfeld argued that the world's only superpower does not need permanent Allies.

However, the recent decline in us attractiveness should not be ignored. It is true that the United States has moved on from unpopular policies of the past, but only during the cold war, when other countries were still afraid of the much more powerful Soviet union. It is also true that some resentment of America's vastness and destructive modernisation is now inevitable. But sensible policies can lessen the antagonism. Indeed, this is what the us government got after the World War II: it used its soft power resources to lure other countries into a 60-year alliance. Because of the successful combination of soft power and hard power, the United States won the cold war.

The United States cannot deal with emerging terrorism without the cooperation of other countries. Of course, other countries often cooperate in their own interests. How much they cooperate, however, often depends on how attractive the United States is.

Soft power, then, is not just a matter of temporary popularity, but a means by which America wants results. While the U.S. government is still calculating whether its overseas appeal matters, it has paid a heavy price. When America becomes less popular, pro-America becomes the kiss of death in other countries' domestic politics, making it hard for foreign politicians to make policy changes that benefit America. And when American policy loses its legitimacy in the eyes of the rest of the world, it is disliked, reducing America's advantage in international affairs.

Some hard-core sceptics might retort that soft power, whatever its merits, is of little use in the current war on terror; After all, bin laden and his followers were resisting American culture and its values rather than being attracted to them. But this ignores the actual success of the current war.

The current struggle against islamic terrorism is not a clash of civilizations, but a struggle closely linked to the civil war between modernists and extremists in islamic civilization. The United States and its Allies can only win this war if they adopt policies that appeal to those modernists and use public diplomacy to communicate effectively with them. But the world's only superpower, the leader of the information revolution, has done as little in public diplomacy as France and Britain, and has often trumped the cave-hiding al qaeda operatives in military power in its campaign of propaganda.

With the end of the cold war, soft power seemed too expensive, and Americans were more interested in saving money than putting it into it. From 1989 to 1999, the agency's budget fell by 10%; Its resources in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim country, have been cut in half. By the end of the 20th century, the agency was run by the state department, with a staff of 6,715. During the cold war, American government-funded radio broadcasts reached half the population of the Soviet union and 70-80% of eastern Europe every week; On the eve of 9/11, only 2% of arabs were listening to the voice of America. Meanwhile, the annual number of academic and cultural exchanges dropped from 45,000 in 1995 to 29,000 in 2001. With the advent of the information revolution, as with the cold war, soft power has become more important.

After waking up to 9/11, Americans were petrified by the question "why do they hate us?" Yet many countries in the Middle East do not hate America. As polls have consistently shown, they fear, do not understand and oppose American policies, but they also admire certain American values and certain aspects of American culture. However, the world's leaders have yet to recognize and exploit such opportunities in international communication.

In 2003, a bipartisan advisory panel on public diplomacy for Arab and Muslim regions found that the United States spent just $150 million on public diplomacy in mainly Muslim countries, including $25 million in extraordinary programs. In the words of the advisory panel, "it is an understatement to say that the financial resources for this mission are insufficient". They propose appointing new heads of public diplomacy, building libraries and information centers, translating more western books into Arabic, increasing scholarships for foreign students and visiting scholars, and training more arabic-speaking professionals and public-relations experts.

America's biggest failure has been to think less about developing soft power, and to invest fewer resources in it. The state department's public diplomacy programs and U.S. international broadcasting together cost just over $1 billion, or about 4 percent of the U.S. international affairs budget. This amount represents only 3 per cent of intelligence spending and 0.25 per cent of the military budget. In the words of Newton minnow, a former head of the federal communications commission, "a dollar for ideas is a dollar for shells." If the U.S. government were to spend 1 percent of its military budget on public diplomacy, that would mean quadrupling the current public diplomacy budget.

It is also important to establish more policy coherence in different aspects of public diplomacy and to link them to other issues. The international educators association reports that despite the decline in international student market share, "the U.S. government appears to lack an overall strategic understanding of the importance of studying abroad. ... In this strategy gap, the growing barriers students face to coming to the United States are difficult to overcome. For example, study abroad policies and visa policies are rarely well coordinated. As educator victor jonson points out, "while greater alertness is necessary, the wide variety of people this net captures is not in any way dangerous." This unnecessary policy of preventing people from coming to the United States weakens the soft power of the United States.

Americans will become increasingly aware of cultural differences, and effective solutions will require less narrowness and greater sensitivity to understanding abroad.

First, then, change domestic attitudes. Americans should have a better understanding of what American policy looks like in the eyes of other countries. Since the end of the cold war, American media coverage in other parts of the world has declined dramatically. Foreign language training has also lagged behind. Only a few scholars use the Fulbright fund to go abroad as visiting teachers. "We are a long way from the time when American historians could communicate with the public about national and international issues that continue to affect everyone," says historian Richard perls.

The United States has learned that the use of soft power is less dependent on unilateralism than on hard power. To communicate effectively with other countries, Americans should first learn to listen.

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